In our terminally postmodern world, it’s easy to discount student political movements. It has after all been decades since they were a major political factor in most Western countries. To the extent that we’ve seen them provoke major disruptions in recent decades, it’s tended to be in the service of rather narrow and self interested issues like tuition fees, as in South Africa in 2015 and 2016 and Quebec in 2011 and 2012. And yet we do know that in certain countries at certain moments, students can be powerful enough to shake the foundations of a state. Seoul 1961. Paris 1968. Beijing, 1989. It’s rare, but it happens. And when it does, it’s usually pretty spectacular. 

Bangladesh is a country where student movements have played a major role since the country’s birth. But what happened this past summer was a shock. A set of student protests over a frankly absurd job reservation scheme for families of the veterans of the 1971 independence war led to a massive and ill advised government crackdown and then to days of street violence and hundreds of fatalities. Eventually, a mass movement emerged backing the students over the increasingly authoritarian government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. On the 5th of August, the PM was forced to flee to India and a new interim government headed by Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus took power.

With me today on the show is Sharowat Shamin. She’s an academic at both the university of Dhaka in Bangladesh and the School for Oriental and African Studies at the University of London. She’s written for many years on aspects of perennial youth underemployment in Bangladesh and its consequences. Together, we discussed not just the specific sequence of events leading up to the protests of July and August, but also about the longer term background to those events. In particular, the nature of the country’s higher education system, the history of student power there, and how the national labour market works for younger people, or doesn’t.

Overall, it’s a fascinating conversation about a place that often doesn’t get the respect it deserves as a rapidly developing country. So without further ado, let’s listen to Sharowat.

---

The World of Higher Education Podcast
Episode 3.11 | Unrest and Reform: Bangladesh’s Youth Movement and Higher Education with Sharowat Shamin

Transcript

Alex Usher (AU): Sharowat, Bangladesh has alternated between democracy and military dictatorships over the last 55 years. How has student politics been intertwined with national politics? Obviously, students played a role in the independence war. What role have they played in the country since then?

Sharowat Shamin: Thank you, Alex. That’s a great question. Student politics has always been very significant in Bangladesh’s national politics, both before and after independence. For example, in 1952, students were instrumental in the language movement for Bangla to be recognized as the state language for then-East Pakistan. Before the 1971 liberation, there were many protests and movements where students actively participated, ultimately helping to achieve independence. During the 1971 liberation war, students fought directly. Many were part of guerrilla groups—civilian groups of students who fought and helped liberate the country from Pakistan to create an independent Bangladesh.

After independence, student politics continued to play an important role. It’s essential to understand that student politics wasn’t confined to traditional student unions as seen in universities elsewhere. Political parties in Bangladesh often have their own student wings, which are active in organizing events and activities in higher education institutions, especially at the undergraduate and postgraduate levels. These student groups were instrumental in restoring democracy after years of military rule, especially in the 1990 revolution that helped the country return to democratic governance. However, it’s also evident that when a political party gains power, they sometimes use these student wings politically.

AU: Interesting. So, what is student life like in Bangladesh? My impression has been that the higher education system there is quite similar to India’s but without institutions like the IITs. So, it’s large and growing fast but maybe lacks some quality standards that people might want. Is that a fair description? What would you add or change to that?

SS: In terms of student life and living standards in higher education, yes, as an overcrowded and economically struggling country, our institutions are very crowded, and the amenities are not always up to standard. However, on a positive note, I must mention that Bangladesh is an agriculture-based economy with a huge population—about 170 million people in a small country. We have several agricultural universities that are conducting excellent research, contributing to food security, and adopting advanced technologies in agriculture.

We also have several engineering universities that, while perhaps not at the research level of IITs, are contributing significantly to our infrastructure and economy. They are working on mega-projects in collaboration with international partners. However, in areas like social science, research facilities and library resources are limited. So, while we have strong potential, our research environment could be better supported.

AU: Now, I don’t know if this is because of the rapid growth in the system but I do know that one issue, for many years, has been the poor employment prospects for university graduates, and you’ve written about one reaction to this: brain drain, where graduates leave the country. Is this only about job prospects, or are there other factors driving this migration? And where are these graduates going?

SS: Yes, brain drain is not new, but in the last decade or so, it has increased. Most students head to the global North countries—primarily the United States, Canada, Europe, and Australia. One reason is definitely job prospects. For example, private sector jobs in Bangladesh are often insecure. Although we have laws and policies, they are not always enforced, and employees in the private sector face limited retirement benefits and job progression. So job insecurity is a concern.

But there are other factors as well, many are social-cultural. Gender inequality is a significant issue. Gender-based violence, which is unfortunately still common, can make students—particularly women—feel unsafe to continue within the country. Pollution, environmental concerns, and climate change are also driving migration, as well as the overall living standards. Additionally, our politically divided society can make some people feel insecure, which further drives migration.

AU: So, at least part of this dissatisfaction with employment led to the demonstrations and riots this past summer, particularly around the “freedom fighter quota,” which reserves a percentage of public sector jobs for descendants of those who fought in the 1971 war. These quotas were abandoned in 2018, but a high court decision this year reversed that decision which led to these demonstrations. What were students demanding this summer, and why did the government respond so harshly in mid-July?

SS: Yes, public sector jobs are seen as very desirable because of their security, structure and retirement benefits. The higher education rate has increased significantly in recent decades, leading to a higher number of graduates. However, high-skilled unemployment is around 5%. The constitution requires positive actions, like quotas, to help marginalized groups including religious and ethnic minorites. This is not unique to Bangladesh; for example, in India, 60% of public sector jobs are reserved for different social groups.

In Bangladesh, there was a 30% quota. After 54 years, reform was probably needed, but abolishing the quota entirely in 2018 was also unconstitutional, especially since it affects other marginalized groups as well. After the court decision, the students wanted better reform rather than just removing the quota, as it supports various marginalized groups.

AU: Right, but why did the government crackdown so hard on the protests? Do you have any thoughts on that?

SS: It’s difficult to say for certain, it’s too premature to know. The government’s response was perhaps not politically wise, and I think the situation was mishandled. It’s still too early to know exactly why they responded this way. We need more evidence and investigation to understand the full picture.

AU: While the exact reason for the crackdown isn’t clear, one thing that was striking was how quickly the protest about student job prospects escalated to the point of bringing down the government. That suggests students were able to mobilize broad support. What do we know about the connections between student groups and other parts of society?

SS: That’s a great question. As I mentioned, student groups in Bangladesh often have affiliations with political parties. All major political parties have student wings active in higher education institutions, so this political support from opposition groups likely helped students reach other parts of society. Social media also played a vital role in mobilizing people quickly.

AU: So, the government fell in early August, and now there’s an interim government led by Muhammad Yunus. What role do students have in this new regime? Were they brought into the government? And what’s the status of the job quotas?

SS: Yes, students are part of the interim government. Two students serve as advisors, and one is a special assistant to the chief advisor. Besides these official roles, other student coordinators are also working with the government to push their demands. So, they are quite influential.

Regarding the job quota, there hasn’t been much talk since the interim government was formed. Recently, there was a small change—the entry age for public sector jobs was raised from 30 to 32, though 35 was the original demand. However, the government has also limited the number of times someone can apply for a government job to three attempts. The main quotas now are 5% for freedom fighters’ descendants and 2% for ethnic minorities, disabled persons, and transgender individuals, and there are no quotas for women. Many of the marginalized groups lost quota positions in the current reform.

AU: I didn’t realize that graduates often wait five to ten years to apply for public sector jobs. What do the graduates do in the meantime?

SS: Public sector jobs are very competitive, with a long selection process that includes several tiers of exams. It can take at least three years to go through all the stages. During this time, many students continue studying and preparing for these exams. It’s extremely competitive, with hundreds of thousands of applicants, but only a success rate below 10 percent, as there aren’t that many available positions. So, many students keep trying over the years, though now the new rule allows them only three attempts to apply.

AU: Interesting. So, what does all of this mean for higher education in Bangladesh? In other countries where we’ve seen this kind of dynamic—students playing a role in regime change—sometimes the new regime wants to placate students and show appreciation, maybe by increasing funding or improving universities. But other times, the regime sees them as a threat, a group that can destabilize the government. Where do you think things are headed? Are universities likely to be seen in a positive light, or as potential hotbeds of unrest?

SS: Well, students have only recently returned to classrooms, after nearly three months of disruption. So, there are still tensions, especially after the protests and the number of casualties we saw. Not all students are out protesting—many are concerned about resuming their studies and focusing on their academic lives. So, it’s crucial for universities to offer careful support, perhaps through psychological or mental health services, because these issues are prominent right now.

As a society, we’re also facing a culture of intolerance, which isn’t sustainable in the long term. Educational institutions and communities need to work on restoring mutual trust and respect. I’m not just speaking from a government perspective; within society, people need to learn to respect different viewpoints. You can’t just be an enemy with your classmate for having a different view than you. For students, getting back into the classroom, preparing for their future, and becoming a productive workforce for the country’s economy is essential. This will require very thoughtful support and guidance.

AU: Let’s imagine we have this conversation again in 10 years. Bangladesh has been experiencing fairly rapid economic growth, a bit of industrialization, and less dependence on agriculture, as you mentioned. How do you think the job market might evolve over the next decade? Do you think we’ll still see graduates frustrated by issues like job quotas, and is brain drain likely to continue? How hopeful are you that, despite the current challenges, the system is moving in a positive direction?

SS: Looking 10 years ahead is challenging, especially given the current instability. The direction Bangladesh takes will largely depend on how smoothly it transitions back to democratic governance, with people regaining the right to vote and elect a government with a genuine mandate. An elected government could bring stability, which is crucial for development. The country has seen impressive economic growth, particularly before COVID, but there are questions about whether that growth is sustainable and if it reflects true human development, not just economic metrics like GDP.

As for the brain drain, I’m not very optimistic that it will reverse. With the current climate, it’s possible that even more people will look to leave. Right now, most students pursue higher studies abroad after graduating, but I fear that wealthier families might start sending their children abroad at an earlier stage.

AU: Sharowat, thank you so much for joining us today.

SS: Thank you, Alex.

AU: And it just remains for me to thank our excellent producers, Tiffany MacLennan and Sam Pufek, and you, our viewers and listeners for tuning in. If you have any questions about today’s episodes or suggestions for future ones, please don’t hesitate to contact us at podcast@higheredstrategy.com. Join us next week when our guests will be University of York professor, Paul Wakeling, and he’ll be talking to us about how Brexit affected inbound student mobility patterns in the United Kingdom. Bye for now.

*This podcast transcript was generated using an AI transcription service with limited editing. Please forgive any errors made through this service.