Higher Education in Federal Countries

Maybe the most childish thing about Canadian higher education policy debates is the recurring insistence on the part of some English Canadians that higher education needs to be more of a federal responsibility (i.e. the central government needs to take a more active role).  If you exclude the motivated reasoning of Ottawa-based higher ed groups who want more things to happen in Ottawa so that they themselves can have more interesting things to do, this position is mostly born of a simplistic and enormously wrong-headed notion that the federal government is the “more important” level of government and since higher education is very important (to them, at least), it is obvious that some kind of mis-alignment has occurred and can only be put right by uploading responsibilities.

(To be fair, there is also a less stupid rationale at play here which I’ll come to in a sec, but the above animates about 80% of it).

To anyone who thinks this way – and actually anyone who doesn’t but still finds the study of federal systems interesting – I can recommend a book which came out last fall entitled Higher Education in Federal CountriesWritten and edited by some of the biggest names in global higher education studies, it’s an uncommonly sharp book concerning the intersection of political structures and institutional outcomes. 

Nine countries each get a chapter in this book: Canada, the United States, Australia, Germany, Brazil, India, Mexico, the Russian Federation and China.  The last two are interesting in that Russia is formally federal but is in fact highly centralized, while China is not in the least bit federal but has decentralized considerable policy space to regional governments (most of which, to be fair, are much larger than Canada).  Two of the individual chapters stand out and are truly brilliant (the ones on the US and Russia), but they are all solid and I learned something from each one. The Canadian one by OISE’s Glen Jones and Christian Noumi is one of the best 50-page summaries of the Canadian system out there.  If you want to learn about systems in these countries: this is the best place to start.

The key chapter, of course, is the one which synthesises all the material, and it’s a very good one that should be read not just by higher education scholars but by scholars of federalism as well.  It is, frankly, astonishing how different these nine systems are: so much so that at times you wonder whether federalism is even particularly useful as an organizing concept.  But I think the authors do their work well: there are some useful similarities across the four richest countries in this groups (though they make a useful distinction between the three anglophone countries and their more liberal approach to government and economics and Germany with its social market economy).  Mexico, Brazil and India share some important features in that they are all large countries where historically local governments have been seen as brakes on modernization, either because they represent corrupt local interests or because they lack the state capacity to develop strong institutions like universities (the latter, arguably, is the lone non-silly argument for greater federal involvement in Canada – a number of our smaller provinces genuinely do have difficulties managing increasingly complex higher education systems).  And Russia and China are interesting edge cases: Russia for proving that not all “federations” act like federations (and can suffer the consequences of ignoring regional needs) and China for showing that a lack of a federal system can still co-exist with significant policy responsibility at a sub-national level (though whether that would work in countries where sub-national units don’t have an average size of 60 million people is an open question).

One of the things that comes across strongly, I think, is how good Canada’s system looks in comparative terms.  It’s not only that we have a rather diverse system, it’s also a very stable one.  The US has seen gradual encroachment of its federal government on higher ed not through any plan, but through the automatic process of state cuts to institutional grants being replaced by tuition and hence federal student aid.  In India, it’s been the other way around: federal neglect of education has led to states grabbing power and – in many cases – handing it over to the private sector.  In Australia, there has been a somewhat bizarre and somewhat less than 100% constitutionally kosher federal take-over of university-level education which has still left college-level education under the jurisdiction of the states, resulting in some weird and disjointed policy.  Brazil…well Brazil is just a mess, but that’s probably not federalism’s fault.  Compared to all of them, Canada appears to have a set of provincial systems which are coherent, stable, well-funded and where both levels of government more or less stay in their lane.  This is good.  We should pat ourselves on the back for it more often.

But we’re not perfect.  We could certainly learn a thing or two for Germany, which is superior to Canada in one very specific way: namely, it has formal mechanisms whereby the federal and länder governments regularly meet to co-ordinate policy in various fields, particularly research.  Canadian provinces would never do this (partly because the only things they dislike as much as the federal government are each other), but it’s a shame because it’s actually a good way both to raise the policy capacity of smaller governments as well as avoid some of the nonsense involved in science federalism.

Anyways: good book.  If you’re a higher ed nerd, you’ll enjoy it.  Bon weekend.

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One response to “Higher Education in Federal Countries

  1. Here’s one example of something that would benefit from a federal system.

    At the moment, I understand the Atlantic provinces are interested in connecting their K-12, PSE and Labour-Market data. Actually, they’ve been interested in this for decades but technical and financial difficulties have always gotten in the way for small provinces trying to do these things.

    The value of that data is clear, we could learn more about where students go and how they transition to the labour market. It’s a good framework to have in place to ask many questions… A big issue with the data will be that K-12 and PSE information will be from four provinces only. Whereas our universities compete with those in the rest of Canada, how many maritime students leave for other provinces? Who are they? My instinct tells me this is a large hole in the data.

    With a federal-level system for Primary to Tertiary Education, this kind of project would suffer from fewer of the funding and technical problems. It would have gotten done a while ago, the project length wouldn’t be nearly as long to set things up and the end product would be full-sized. My guess is that once the data was gathered, a central agency responsible for this kind of data could make it available to academics and government workers across the country to study. It would have the capacity to hold that data with greater authority.

    The fact that an organization like CMEC has existed for as long as it has without this having been created at a national level is a clear reason why federated education is a loser in my books.

    What else would benefit from a education being constitutionally federal jurisdiction?
    1. a single student aid system – lower cost delivery, easier to understand for students, less competition between institutions…
    2. uniform tuition and funding policies
    3. less political branch-campus creation (maybe)
    4. consolidated PSE research spending (small jurisdictions really don’t have the capacity to fund as well as national entities do, a significant portion is lost in administering these funds.)
    5. national entities for quality assurance and monitoring educational outcomes
    6. easier negotiations with other countries regarding international credential recognition (Provinces have a difficult time getting to meet even the biggest players, let alone having a presence for countries that are expected to grow)
    7. less provincial competition to win international students through expensive web portals.
    8. college or university of Canada – we have tons of colleges with lots of branch campuses that stemmed from provincial governments – in a federal system, presumably these would have developed with far greater capacity (this would mean fewer articulation agreements, among other things).
    9. Private occupational training, and degree granting acts could be better regulated at a national level – currently there are jurisdictions with very few limits on their trainers.
    10. having international education and immigration at the same level of government would facilitate policies of international student retention.
    11. No more CMEC, if education as a whole was federal (sorry CMEC, you guys could work for the feds) 🙂

    The list goes on.

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